Feed on
Posts
Comments

One of John Grisham’s celebrated novels titled “The Firm” revolves around the life of a young law associate faced with the dilemma of disclosing legally privileged confidential information about his mob-clients and subsequently losing his license. The movie with the same name starring Tom Cruise is equally fascinating with the whole story spinning around this dilemma.

Few can deny that one can learn more about legal privilege by watching Hollywood movies and sitcoms like Boston Legal than from reading Indian law on the subject. It is tragic that despite being acknowledged as one of the most paramount civil rights in the rest of the common law world, trifling importance is accorded to it in India. Notwithstanding it being provided for in Sections 126 to 129 of the Indian Evidence Act, our courts have failed to mount elaborate debates/discussions on the principle, as a consequence of which, the extent and applicability of the principle remains cloudy and abstract.

The concept of privilege flows from the premise that the law recognizes the exchange of information, between a certain set of people, holding a certain relationship, as sacrosanct. The only permissible exception to this is the divulsion of information with the express permission of the person giving the information.

In law, any conversation or exchange of information between a lawyer and his client is protected by the law of privilege. In a system that refuses to recognize the ignorance of the law as an excuse, the advice of well-qualified lawyers is one of the principal means by which a person can gain necessary knowledge of the law. Clients must be able to put forth all the information available at their disposal to their lawyers, who, based on the information given them, are able to arrive at the best course of action and evaluate the chances of success. While it is acknowledged that there is a strong case for public interest governing the public disclosure of delicate information, this argument is counterproductive inasmuch as such interest in itself would be defeated if communications between individuals and their lawyers were subject to being disclosed, as it would merely inhibit the divulsion of confidential/private information for fear that it may be used against the individual at some forum.

Moreover, in order to ensure that there are no inhibitions on part of the client when divulging the information, the privilege is considered absolute in nature, i.e. without any exceptions. This has been the case in almost every developed legal system and is considered to be essential to the maintenance of rights. Surprisingly, the principle has also found recognition by the Bombay High Court in a 2002 case of “Larsen &Tourbo Ltd. v. Prime Displays”. Surely then, it would appear that privilege bars the determination of the truth, and it is for this reason that privilege extends only to information generated for the purpose of seeking legal advice and any such advice already existing is not covered by the doctrine. After all, it is almost never the case that culpability be based solely on the information given to the lawyer and it is for the various investigation agencies to arrive at the truth by other legitimate means.

However, most importantly, the privilege belongs to the client who may be an individual, corporate or even a state institution.

It is in this light that one must examine the recent order by the Chief Information Commissioner. It is a rather contentious order which holds that legal opinions given by the Attorney General and other law officers ought to be made the subject of the Right to Information Act, 2005. Noteworthily, this order was passed in the context of whether Swann Telecom ought to be investigated by the MCA in the volatile 2G spectrum matter. The dominant influencing factor in the CIC’s decision is the overarching public interest in the divulsion of the Attorney General’s opinion. The Order itself has disastrous consequences on the law of privilege. Even the Government, as a legal ‘person’ would require an appropriate atmosphere to discuss its matters with lawyers. However, what is most troubling is the expression ‘public interest’. The vague phraseology paves way for unscrupulous usage of this exception, and it raises more questions than it answers- what exactly is ‘public interest’?, according to whom, and to what guidelines are we to define this concept? These are only a couple of the questions that are likely to arise. That having been said, it is impossible to arrive at a concrete determination as to the limits of ‘public interest’.  The Government is now deliberating as to whether to abide by the decision of the CIC or appeal against the same.However, it would do well to remember that the text of the Right to Information Act, 2005 does not make any reference to legal privilege as a ground on which disclosure to the public can be withheld. Section 8 of the RTI Act further contemplates that even assuming the said information to be exempt from disclosure, it can only be disclosed if public interest so mandates. This is a grave anomaly and represents the glaring ambiguities between common law rights and those granted by statute in India.

Denying privilege would put further pressure on the lawyers giving advice in such cases since their opinions would now be subject to public scrutiny- not just legal scrutiny- as a result of which they would be busy covering their tracks rather than giving correct advice in light of the facts presented to them.

However, India is not the first country to be faced with such a problem. Countries like the United Kingdom and Australia that have similar laws on the right to information have had to make accommodations for legally privileged information. The result of extensive deliberation by their courts on the law of legal privilege has been a consistent, and rather right pronouncement, that the public interest in the preservation of legal privilege far outweighs any other public interest. The same ought to be the case in India and the opinions by the law officers ought to be excluded from the purview of the RTI Act. .

As has oft been the case, singular decisions have had tumultuous effects on the law. In 1967, one witnessed such an effect with jury trials being abolished after Nanavati’s case. While the provisions in the Evidence Act are clear on this issue that privilege ought to be accorded without exceptions, ordering that such legal opinions be made public would have cataclysmic consequences in the future. This is, perhaps, an opportune moment for the Courts elucidate the law on the subject.

The legal fraternity, and indeed all who knew him, are left poorer by the passing of Vepa Sarathi – a great practitioner, prodigious scholar, versatile teacher, and above all, a man with a terrific sense of humour.

For those who may not have had an opportunity to listen to Sarathi in his element, and for the privileged many who have: here’s a sampling from 2007. An audio clip of Vepa Sarathi doing what he does best – making us laugh and learn at the same time.

We will miss him, his wisdom, his smile, and his jokes.

Vepa – Law, Literature and Humour (.mp3, 109 minutes)

Special acknowledgment: Parameshwar Krishnaswamy and Vinay Kesari, lawyers, who took the initiative to organize what were known then as ‘Sarathi Tuesdays’, and had the foresight to digitize these lectures.

 

 

Tags: , , ,

 

2012 marks 60 years since the first Indian general election.  In this time, the Election Commission of India has come a long way in ensuring the conduct of free and fair elections at various levels, -thus cementing its reputation as one of the most respected constitutional bodies in recent times. Inspite of its reputation, elections have become perhaps the biggest source of corruption in the country. Inevitably, the proceeds of corruption worms its way into funding election campaigns. So much so, that the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution, 2001 noted that “electoral compulsions for funds become the foundation of the whole superstructure of corruption”.

In more recent developments, surprisingly, none of the various Lokpal bills address the issue of electoral corruption. While the apparent silence of the politicians on this issue is understood, one can only speculate as to why Team Anna and various other non-governmental bodies pitching for a strong Lokpal have remained silent on this issue. Reforms, if any, have come from the judiciary and the Election Commission. Two such measures stand out: firstly, the 2003 Order of the Supreme Court of India in “PUCL v. Union of India” mandating that all electoral candidates submit an affidavit disclosing their assets, liabilities and criminal records, and, secondly, the usage of electronic voting machines (EVM’s) that have greatly helped in tackling vote rigging.

However, mere directives and enforcement by the Election Commission and Supreme Court are insufficient. In about 2008, pursuant an order of the Chief Information Commission declaring political parties as ‘public authorities’, the parties submitted detailed balance sheets indicating the availability of funds, income and expenditure incurred by them. The results reveal that national parties like the Congress and BJP had incomes of Rs240 and 220 Crore respectively in the year 2010. This figure is measly when compared to the fact that the Election Commission itself estimated that over Rs.3500 Crores ($750 million) was paid in bribes during the elections in five Indian states in April and May 2011.

Some analysts believe that one of the means for tackling corruption would be to stifle the ends that corruption money seeks to serve, i.e. the thriving use of financial resources by those who wish to stay in power. Various Government, Non-Governmental bodies and individuals have suggested proposals in this direction. However, considering the greed of those hungry for power, these proposals may meet the same fate as that of the Lokpal and the Women’s Reservation Bill. Three such proposals, however, ought to be highlighted.

Firstly,  an argument for state funded elections. In 1998, the Indrajit Gupta Committee on State Funding of Elections backed the idea of state funded elections stating that it saw “full justification, constitutional, legal as well as on grounds of public interest, for a grant of state subvention to political parties so as to establish such conditions where even the parties with the modest financial resources may be able to compete with those who have superior financial resources“. Such recommendations, in some form or the other, were later also approved by the Law Commission of India in 1999, National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution in 2001 and the Second Administrative Reforms Commission in 2008. In fact, Mr. Salman Khurshid, the Union Minister for Law and Justice, informed the Lok Sabha on Nov. 28, 2011 that a ‘Group of Ministers’(GOM) had been constituted by the central government to look into the introduction of state funding of elections. The Chairperson of the UPA, Smt. Sonia Gandhi also outlined such a proposal in her speeches. Continue Reading »

In which Secretary Clinton delivers a ground-breaking speech to bring LGBT rights at the forefront of the international discourse. Naz finds reference. The blogosphere has been overflowing with platitudes; and although  it is too early to evaluate how the Obama administration will calibrate its foreign policy towards countries with limited or no recognition of LGBT rights, there’s no denying the monumental significance of Clinton’s words.

Raghbir Singh Sehrawat owned a small plot of land in Haryana. In 2006, the State Government, vide a notification, decided to acquire his land to initiate the development of an industrial sector. Subsequent to the notification, Raghbir Singh filed a petition before the high court wherein it was argued that apart from being agricultural land, it served as the sole source of livelihood for his family. Unfortunately, the high court dismissed his petition, pursuant to which, he appealed to the Supreme Court. Interestingly, and laudably, the Supreme Court (Justices G.S. Singhvi and S.J. Mukhopadhyay) overturned the high court’s decision, quashing the impugned  notification.

In its judgment, while referring to a report by the National Commission on Farmers, the bench held that acquisition of agricultural land on the pretext of industrial development would necessarily have an adverse impact on the availability of food in the future. In what I see as a good step forward in reprimanding the government, the Court noted that the casual mindless ease with which agricultural land was being acquired was one of the key reasons for the recently rising tide of farmer suicides. Now, though to a reader such statements might sound rhetorical, it is, in fact, based on quite a solid base of law and legal principles. This judgment is decisive in the sense that, unlike the Supreme Court’s oft stray comments on money laundering and Naxalism- which have no basis in law- this judgment serves as quite the opposite. It is interesting to note the Supreme Court’s-and Justice Singhvi in particular-attitude in the recent past on land acquisition. The judgment that I have picked out is, in fact, the most recent in a series of land acquisition judgments that have quashed acquisition notices, which is why I would say that Justice Singhvi (and through him the Supreme Court), is not merely repeating for the sake of repeating, but now for the sake of doing some justice. Thus, the Supreme Court is no longer interested in mere rhetoricism, but in doing justice- especially when dealing with land acquisition matters.

In the case of the acquisition of farm land in Greater Noida, the court stressed that the land acquisition law had to be seen in the context of the right to life and held “as judges, we can’t close our eyes. We have a duty to perform. Land is not being acquired for building barrages, canals or roads. What are coming up are malls, hotels and townships where the common man has no access.” In Banda Development Authority, Banda v. Moti Lal Agarwal the court laid down propositions as to what constitutesthe taking of possession of land. In Royal Orchid Hotels v. G Jayarama Reddy, the court quashed a land acquisition noticeissued by a State Tourism Development Corporation. Here the corporation subsequently sought to transfer the land to a private entity for the construction of a hotel.Apart from writing about the misuse of “public purpose”, the court based its judgement on an examination of the facts of the case and decided thus. In Radhey Shyam v. State of UP, the Court traced the historical development of the Land Acquisition Act, 1894 and concluded that governments should, unless under dire necessity, refrain from acquiring agricultural land that served as the only source of livelihood of the landowners. Numerous judgements have also been given as regards the determination of the market value of the land in recent times.

Court decisions primarily decide the dispute between parties and at times also act as precedent for future decisions.  Because of its seemingly independent nature, the Supreme Court also acts as a credible and persuasive source of national policy–giving indications when the government gets it wrong. Court decisions have an innate ability to induce attitude change, this ability being rooted in the power of judicial review.

A study of these judgements mentioned earlier helps us in drawing inferences as to the attitude of the Supreme Court in recent times in the area of land acquisition. In what I see as a great move forward, by quashing acquisitions relating to agricultural land, enhancing the amount of compensation available as regards the “market value of the land” and delving into the idea of “public purpose”, the Supreme Court has handcuffed the exercise of the power of eminent domain vested in the Government

Off late, the judiciary has been criticised for either being too rhetorical or to activist. But a survey of these recent judgements relating to land acquisition suffers from neither of these infirmities. If anything, they point to the development of an attitude of the courts towards the acquisition of land by the government–against the interests of the landowners and poor– for private interests and futile purposes.  They in effect, given direction to what ought to be the policy of the state.

If this be termed as the emerging attitude of the Supreme Court in the area of land acquisition, then a lot needs to be done to crystallise it. Way back in 2000, the Supreme Court likened the resettlement of a slum dweller to the rewarding of a pickpocket; implying that one ought not to be rewarded for something which did not belong to him at the first place. The past few years have seen numerous instances of acquisition of land by the government in favour of corporations and private entities. The acquisition of land by the Orissa Government for the POSCO project, the incessant mining in Chhattisgarh, and the demolitions and acquisitions of large tracts of land around Mumbai Airport for commercial and private purposes are but only a few examples. Those affected would be looking upto the judiciary to display a similar attitude towards their plight.

Some may argue that it is not judicial decisions but legislation that should come into play in such situations. They would point to the current Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill, 2011 (LARR) as an answer to this problem.  The bill itself has its share of problems. These range from the definitions of “public purpose”, “persons interested” and the like to the payment of compensation. Furthermore, with the Parliament logjam over the introduction of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) one can hardly expect the Bill to be introduced and passed in the current session of Parliament. Till such time, the trend in the judiciary is something we need to look to.

Tags: ,

The National Law School of India Review, the flagship journal of National Law School of India University, Bangalore is pleased to present the first NLSIR Public Law Symposium to be held on 10 December, 2011 at the National Law School campus. The theme of the symposium is “Adjudication of Socio-Economic Rights by the Indian Supreme Court“, an issue which has seen significant legal developments in the recent past. The symposium will be attended by renowned legal luminaries including Justice Muralidhar, Mr. T. R. Andhyarujina, Mr. Shyam Diwan, Mr. Arun Kumar Thiruvengadam, Prof. U R Rai and Prof. B B Pandey amongst others.

The discussion will be divided into two sessions. In the first session (scheduled between 10.30 A.M.-12.30 P.M.) the panel will discuss the substantive adjudication of socio-economic rights undertaken by the Supreme Court concerning questions of the ever-widening ambit of Article 21 and the content of the new rights so evolved. The changing nature of the relationship between Part III and Part IV of the Constitution due to such expansion will form an important part of the session. The second session (scheduled between 1.30 P.M.-3.30 P.M.) will focus on the manner in which the Supreme Court has enforced these rights and consider the variety of procedural innovations employed for the same, including PILs and continuing mandamus.

The registration fee for the symposium is Rs. 500 for professionals. There is no registration fee for students. All those interested are requested to register their attendance at the following link: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/viewform?formkey=dEdkRTJua21BY2R5Snh1UWl1QXRCREE6MQ

 For any further details regarding the symposium, please contact Krishnaprasad K.V. (Chief Editor, NLSIR) at +91-9916589670 or Ashwita Ambast (Deputy Chief Editor, NLSIR) at +91-9986478265 or email us at mail.nlsir@gmail.com.

We would be very grateful if this would be possible.
Regards,
Juhi Gupta,
Editor, National Law School of India Review, 2011-12

Older Posts »